President Donald Trump has attacked press freedom in many ways, using private litigation as well as the powers of his office. While some corporations settled meritless lawsuits to curry favor with the administration, the Des Moines Register, its parent company, and its former pollster fought back.

They were vindicated this week, when a Polk County District Court dismissed Trump’s lawsuit against Ann Selzer, her polling company, the Des Moines Register, and the Gannett Corporation. Trump, U.S. Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks, and former State Senator Brad Zaun claimed the final Iowa Poll before the 2024 election constituted consumer fraud. That poll indicated that Democratic candidate Kamala Harris led the presidential race in Iowa by 3 points. Days later, Trump carried the state by a 13-point margin.

Robert Corn-Revere, who argued on Selzer’s behalf as chief counsel for the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression, said during a January court hearing that in 40 years of practicing First Amendment law, he’s never seen a more frivolous lawsuit than this one.

Over more than 60 pages, District Court Judge Scott Beattie comprehensively rejected the plaintiffs’ arguments and dismissed the case with prejudice, meaning it cannot be refiled. The judge wrote that the lawsuit “seeks to stretch both Iowa statutory and common law beyond their current bounds, turning speech that enjoys the highest category of First Amendment protection into a liability. After considering the parties’ arguments, the Court must conclude that the protection is too great and the reach is too far.”

It’s worth walking through the key points, since a spokesperson for Trump told some media the president “will take his powerful case to the Iowa Supreme Court […].” I doubt he’ll have better luck there.

“Not enough people know the story about how this court got captured by a bunch of creepy right-wing billionaires,” U.S. Senator Sheldon Whitehouse told hundreds of Iowa Democrats on August 29.

The senator from Rhode Island used much of his speech at the Polk County Steak Fry to describe what he and U.S. Representative Jamie Raskin—another featured speaker at the event in Des Moines—would be able to accomplish as leaders of the Senate and House Judiciary Committees, if Democrats gain control of Congress after the November elections.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

The Iowa Supreme Court typically opens its rulings on the state’s public-records and open-meetings laws by reciting that the cases start with a “presumption of openness.” 

But a new study of the court’s open-government decisions finds the presumption now wins only about half the time. That is a marked change from a decade ago, when the court’s decisions leaned decidedly toward public access and disclosure.

The Iowa Freedom of Information Council study examined 21 decisions involving Iowa Code chapters 21, 22, and 23 — the open-meetings, public-records and Iowa Public Information Board laws — that were decided between February 2011 and June 2026. The study examined how each of the twelve justices who sat on those cases voted.

The study was based on a review and analysis made with the assistance of generative artificial intelligence. Michael Giudicessi, legal counsel for the group, and I completed the review and editing that produced the new report.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

When District Court Judge Adria Kester studied at the Drake University Law School, she must have opted out of the “Law of Holes” coursework.

I have written before about the first Law of Holes, in connection with Davenport city officials and their penchant for hiding facts from taxpayers. The Law of Holes is common-sense advice that says when you are in a hole and want to get out, the best thing to do is put down the shovel and stop digging.

Judge Kester found herself in a hole — actually, a Boone County highway ditch — on the night of November 4, 2025. She ended up there in her GMC Canyon Denali after an evening of drinking too much.

Dean Lerner served Iowa as an Assistant Attorney General for sixteen years, Chief Deputy Secretary of State for four years, and about ten years as Deputy Director, then Director of the Department of Inspections & Appeals. He then worked for the CMS Director of the Division of Nursing Homes, and the U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Iowa. He is a graduate of Grinnell College and Drake University Law School.

Reflecting upon the extraordinary 250th anniversary of our Declaration of Independence, it seems important to again contemplate and admire the bravery and devotion of our founding fathers to the cause of liberty. The incomparable creation of this everlasting document and its corollary Constitution are nothing short of a miracle penned by extraordinarily gifted men.

Their genius provided us with living parchments establishing lofty ideals and aspirations for a new nation and the construct to preserve it. One principal, unmistakable safeguard to its preservation was the formation of three co-equal branches of government, each responsible for providing checks and balances to excesses of the other.

Today, regrettably, one could reasonably conclude that our executive branch has methodically co-opted these essential safeguards—with assistance from weak and/or cowardly sycophants. How, one should ask, could this happen?

State Representative Derek Wulf has experienced a remarkable reversal of fortune since becoming the Republican candidate for lieutenant governor in June. A month ago, he was facing possible foreclosure and default judgments for multiple creditors seeking repayment of six-figure debts.

Iowa court filings indicate that since GOP gubernatorial nominee Zach Lahn chose his running mate, Wulf received a bridge loan, which allowed him to repay at least one major debt, and possibly more. In addition, an unnamed lender may be willing to refinance the obligations that prompted Wulf’s bank to file a foreclosure petition in May.

Neither Wulf’s attorney nor a spokesperson for Lahn’s campaign has responded to detailed questions about who has provided bridge financing, offered collateral to secure a new loan, or agreed to guarantee new loans. At this writing, it’s unclear whether those offering Wulf a financial lifeline include Lahn, any member of Lahn’s family, any donor to Lahn’s campaign, or anyone Iowa law would prohibit from making a gift to state legislators and candidates.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

Buried words, like buried treasures, sometimes surprise and enrich. But buried landmines only create problems now, and later.

Such is the case with a passage buried in a 71-page Iowa Supreme Court decision last month.

In a unanimous ruling, the court decided that a law authorizing Iowa prisons to block inmates from receiving printed materials containing nudity was constitutional.

The justices laid out a cogent rationale for their conclusion: Some inmate free-speech rights must give way inside prisons to protect safety and security. One such permissible restriction, the court said, allows government in Iowa to ban inmate access to commercially printed materials depicting nudity.

But the discussion did not stop with that.

Clark Kauffman is deputy editor at Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared on June 30.

Two federal judges in Iowa have sharply criticized government officials for repeatedly violating the law in immigration cases, with one Iowa ICE enforcement officer held in contempt for “astonishing conduct” and willfully violating a court order.

The two cases, each handled by a different federal judge, involve Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials who have moved detainees out of Iowa jails and the court’s jurisdiction while the individuals have pending immigration cases before the court.

The judge in one of the two cases took aim at the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Iowa, saying “the court expects better” of assistant U.S. attorneys who, she said, should be working in the interests of justice. The judge also criticized ICE and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security for what she called their “unprecedented disregard for court orders and continued failure to follow the law.”

Governor Kim Reynolds ordered flags flown at half-staff across Iowa on June 20, the day Republican State Senator Julian Garrett was laid to rest. Garrett passed away on June 8 after a long illness, which caused him to miss the entirety of the 2026 legislative session.

In statements released following Garrett’s death, leaders from both parties offered their condolences and honored his work as a legislator, farmer, and attorney.

I want to highlight another important aspect of the senator’s life: he showed unusual persistence in the face of political setbacks.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

Here we go again.

If the University of Iowa and Iowa attorney general’s office get their way, a legacy gift from a grateful and accomplished graduate will no longer help students like him.

The graduate, Ezra L. Totton, was an esteemed chemist during the latter half of the 20th century. One chapter in his great American success story was written in the chemistry building at the University of Iowa in the 1940s.

Totton’s story deserves retelling because he was at the center of a recent Iowa Supreme Court decision.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

Here’s betting District Judge Adria Kester does not read the Aspen Daily News. That Colorado newspaper’s front-page slogan declares, “If you don’t want it printed, don’t let it happen.”

What happened to Judge Kester occurred outside of her usual venue — the 22 courthouses of north-central and northwest Iowa where, until recently, she served as chief judge of the Second Judicial District.

It happened when that Boone County resident found herself on the other side of the law, as a criminal defendant.

Now, she is keeping the story alive by filing a civil lawsuit seeking special treatment she likely did not accord to those who appeared before her.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

Because of his intimidating style, the legendary 1950s baseball pitcher Sal Maglie was known as “The Barber.” His brush-back pitches came sooooo close batters felt as if they were getting a shave.

Considering his nickname, it’s probably best that “The Barber” is no longer with us, lest he find himself in hot water if he made a cameo appearance at the College World Series in Omaha.

In a seemingly unrelated note, the Orpheum Theater in Omaha might want to rethink any plan to reprise last October’s performances of the opera, “The Barber of Seville,” especially if it intends again to picture Figaro on stage with a barber pole. 

Similarly, my friend Kurt should remain in Iowa, because if he ever moved to Wahoo or Ogallala, the barber chair in his family room could raise eyebrows of Nebraska officials.

Herb Strentz was dean of the Drake School of Journalism from 1975 to 1988 and professor there until retirement in 2004. He was executive secretary of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council from its founding in 1976 to 2000.

How fitting and ironic it is that—as we mark the 250^th anniversary of the July 4^th celebration of the birth of our nation—we also will mark the 250^th anniversary of the opening lines of Thomas Paine’s rallying cry: “These are the times that try men’s souls.”

The reality in “these…times” of 2026 is that we can no longer have decent classroom, living room, or barroom discussions about who was, is or shall be the worst president in the nation’s history.

Donald J. Trump sweeps the field.

Iowa’s longest-serving member of Congress forgot that every mic is potentially a hot mic.

What Senator Chuck Grassley blurted out during a Judiciary Committee hearing this week highlighted an unwritten rule for Republicans: they must humor President Donald Trump’s lies and delusions.

Clark Kauffman is deputy editor at Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared.

The Iowa Supreme Court has blocked State Auditor Rob Sand’s efforts to access City of Davenport communications about $1.9 million in taxpayer-funded settlements.

The state auditor has been waging a legal battle to access the recordings of closed-door Davenport City Council meetings where aldermen appear to have discussed settlement payouts with the city’s attorney present.

Sand’s office is investigating those payments, but the city has refused to turn over the meeting tapes, arguing the discussions are protected by attorney-client privilege.

Ed Tibbetts, a longtime reporter and editor in the Quad-Cities, is the publisher of the Along the Mississippi newsletter, where this article first appeared. Find more of his work at edtibbetts.substack.com.

If only Iowa’s school librarians possessed the wisdom of a trio of judges on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit.

The judges overturned a preliminary injunction against Iowa’s three-year-old book ban law on April and abruptly dispensed with the idea it was vague and difficult to apply.

Such contentions, the judges said, were “unavailing.” Which seems strange. Especially since one of the defendants in the case before them actually admitted there was confusion.

Clark Kauffman is deputy editor at Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared.

A federal judge has taken the government to task over its attempts to detain and deport a truck driver who was arrested in a joint immigration enforcement effort conducted by ICE and the Iowa State Patrol.

The case involves Suraj Vasal, who four years ago came to the United States from India seeking asylum and was then released on his own recognizance. On February 11, 2026, Vasal was driving a commercial semitruck on Interstate 80 in Iowa when he failed to stop at a weigh station. Iowa State Patrol Trooper Nathaniel Rippey ticketed Vasal, after which Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers took custody of Vasal and transferred him to the Polk County Jail.

Court records indicate the Iowa State Patrol and ICE are waging an immigration enforcement effort called “Operation ICE Wall,” in part by stopping commercial truck drivers at interstate weigh stations in Iowa.

Robin Opsahl, Brooklyn Draisey, and Cami Koons collaborated on this article, which was first published by Iowa Capital Dispatch.

Following the second “funnel” deadline of the Iowa legislative session, lawmakers often aim to shift their focus from policy to budgeting. But as lawmakers hit week 10 of the 2026 session, it appears agreements have not been reached on some of the top priorities laid out by Republicans at the beginning of session — primarily, eminent domain and property taxes.

Friday marked the second major deadline of the session, when most bills must be passed by one chamber and approved by a committee in the other chamber to stay eligible for consideration. There are many caveats to this rule — legislation involving spending, taxes or government oversight are not subject to the funnel.

Chamber leadership can also designate bills that have not made it through the committee process required as “unfinished business,” saving the measure from the funnel cutoff – and can also bring back “dead” legislation as leadership-sponsored legislation. Some “dead” bills may be added as amendments to surviving bills in future debate.

Clark Kauffman is deputy editor at Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared.

In a sharply worded ruling, an Iowa judge has taken federal officials to task for insisting on a court order before complying with the law and releasing a man from the Muscatine County Jail.

In a March 11 court ruling, U.S. District Judge Rebecca Goodgame Ebinger told the U.S. Department of Justice that it was “untenable that federal officials refuse to meet their obligations to follow the law” by knowingly incarcerating a man in the Muscatine County Jail in violation of his due process rights.

The ruling stems from a case involving Andrei Bankevich of Minneapolis, who left his home country of Belarus in August 2021, seeking asylum in the United States.

Robin Opsahl, Brooklyn Draisey, and Cami Koons collaborated on this article, which was first published by Iowa Capital Dispatch. Clark Kauffman and Kathie Obradovich also contributed to this story

Iowa lawmakers took on hundreds of bills in the first six weeks of the 2026 legislative session, though several measures named as top priorities heading into the year, like eminent domain and property taxes, have yet to find consensus.

February 19 was the last day lawmakers met to consider legislation before the first “funnel” deadline of the year. While there are many exceptions, most bills that don’t involve spending, taxes or government oversight must pass through a committee in either the House or Senate in order to stay eligible for consideration.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

January ended with a notable week for federal courts because of the voices of its judges.

Judges in Minnesota and Texas spoke with clarity in these troubled times. In between them, a longtime Iowa federal judge’s voice fell silent after a quarter century of delivering justice, along with lessons in compassion, fairness and our shared history.

Robert W. Pratt was 78 when he died. The Emmetsburg native was a U.S. district judge in the Southern District of Iowa from 1997 to 2023.

Pratt began his legal career working for Iowa Legal Aid, a nonprofit law firm that champions society’s underdogs and gives a voice to those who rarely are heard in our society.

Rick Morain is the former publisher and owner of the Jefferson Herald, for which he writes a regular column. This essay first appeared on Substack.

A recent email from the Iowa Attorney General’s (AG’s) office to Greene County Assistant Attorney Laura Snider is of great concern to Greene County Attorney Thomas Laehn. That’s because it displays a quandary created by the state’s 2023 government reorganization act.

Much of Snider’s work in the county attorney’s office deals with Child in Need of Assistance (CINA) cases. Iowa law puts county attorneys in charge of such cases, particularly when it comes to deciding whether to recommend that a court remove a child from a parent’s custody.

The Iowa Department of Health and Human Services also plays a role in those decisions. The email from the attorney general’s office included a proposed agreement for Snider to sign, which would establish new procedures for how a CINA case would be handled if the Greene County attorney’s office and HHS disagree in a particular case.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

It was Christmas Eve. The gifts were laid beneath the Christmas tree at the home of Merlin and Nelda Powers in Urbandale.

But the family’s holiday celebration ended abruptly that day in 1968 when the Powers’ 10-year-old daughter Pamela disappeared from the YMCA in downtown Des Moines while the family attended her brother’s wrestling meet.

Two days passed before the family received the horrible answer to their “where is Pamela” question. Police located the girl’s body in a roadside ditch just off Interstate Highway 80 near Mitchellville.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

Days removed from the winter solstice, when Iowa’s nights are the longest, we have another example of the absence of sunshine in Iowa government. And this example shows why the state legislature has much to do about openness and accountability when it convenes on January 12.

A recent court decision with ties to the collapse in May 2023 of an apartment building in Davenport highlights the urgent need for legislative action. The case involves more than the public’s right to know, considering that three people died in the collapse and rescue workers needed to amputate a survivor’s leg to free her from the rubble.

Kurt Meyer writes a weekly column for the Nora Springs – Rockford Register and the Substack newsletter Showing Up, where this essay first appeared. He served as chair of the executive committee (the equivalent of board chair) of Americans for Democratic Action, America’s most experienced liberal organization.

Last month, my sister and I stood looking at a low-lying, long-neglected wire fence we knew well as children. It’s the “creek fence,” (pronounced “crick”) and often we were tasked with catapulting organic detritus, like chicken bones, over the fence, into nature.

The two of us recalled six decades ago, when a younger brother, maybe age four, remained in the car while Mom reentered the house to fetch a forgotten item. Evidently, the car wasn’t in “park” and began rolling slowly down a slight decline toward the creek fence, after which the descent becomes quite abrupt. Gaining momentum, the car hit the fence; magically, miraculously, rusty wires held… God with us.

My transition: This fence is a bit like our country’s jurisprudence system, prompting me to write about the federal employee who threw a sandwich at a Customs and Border Protection agent.

Carl Olsen is the founder of Iowans for Medical Marijuana.

The Iowaska Church of Healing is seeking a federal exemption for the religious use of ayahuasca, a hallucinogen in Schedule 1 of the Controlled Substances Act. Several other churches have received exemptions for ayahuasca, so it seems like the process should be straightforward, and that’s what the church argued in the U.S. Court of Appeals on November 14, 2025, after a six-year delay in processing their application.

The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) created a Guidance Document for the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) in 2009 which is at the heart of this case argued before the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit on November 14, 2025. In re: Iowaska Church of Healing, No. 25-1140. The Guidance Document explains how to apply for a religious exception to the Controlled Substances Act (CSA) of 1970 using the regulatory authority in the CSA.

Prior to the decision in Gonzales v. O Centro Espírita Beneficente União do Vegetal, 546 U.S. 418 (2006), the DEA had claimed it lacked the regulatory authority in the CSA to make religious exceptions. The Guidance Document does not include an apology for that error, but it does finally settle the issue of whether the DEA has the authority to make religious exceptions. It does, and it always did.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts. 

The nation’s founders got right to the point when they laid out how to treat the First Amendment freedoms of religion, speech, the press and the rights of people to assemble and to petition the government. They used only 45 words, without asterisks.

Their simple words should lead to simple conclusions. Yet, recent Iowa cases illustrate why people in general, and educators specifically, are perplexed about what is protected and what is not.

Some legal background:

Sondra Feldstein is a farmer and business owner in Polk County and a plaintiff in the litigation discussed here.

Do you care about preserving farmland in Polk County?

Would you prefer that Bob Vander Plaats and his FAMiLY Leader organization not build a national conference center in rural Polk County?

Would you like for your elected representatives to follow the law and not give preferential treatment to powerful organizations?

Do you feel utterly helpless and need to make a difference?

A lawsuit making its way through the courts right now addresses all these issues.

Jason Benell lives in Des Moines with his wife and two children. He is a combat veteran, former city council candidate, and president of Iowa Atheists and Freethinkers. This essay first appeared in the fall issue of the 2025 American Atheist Magazine

I am often asked, “Why are you an atheist?” or, “How can you be an atheist?” when engaging with members of the public. Here in Iowa, being an atheist, humanist, or secular person is still seen as an anomaly by a lot of folks, especially well-meaning people who are struggling with many of the actions of our state and federal government. They have grown up with the idea that religiosity is synonymous with morality, and while that is so demonstrably not true upon any short reflection, it remains a social burden nonreligious folks must bear. This is deeply unfair as well as untrue: most human beings do not share the faith of the people here.

This is one of the many reasons that I’m motivated to be an atheist activist.

Rick Morain is the former publisher and owner of the Jefferson Herald, for which he writes a regular column. This essay first appeared on Substack.

A year ago this month, U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, Democrat of New York, introduced the No Kings Act with 36 co-sponsors. With the Senate under Republican control, the bill did not receive a vote and therefore died.

It deserves resurrection.

The No Kings Act was inspired by the U.S. Supreme Court’s 6-3 decision on July 1 of last year that the president is immune from prosecution for all official acts he or she commits while in office, even if they break the law. The court handed down that decision in Donald J. Trump v. United States, in which Trump was indicted for attempting to overturn the results of his loss to Joe Biden in the 2020 election four years earlier.

To complicate matters, the court did not define what constitutes an “official act.”

Sandy Peterson is a Democrat from Grimes.

I am writing as a concerned citizen to respectfully urge the U.S. Supreme Court to exercise its critical role in upholding the constitutional checks and balances that safeguard our democracy. Recent actions by President Donald Trump during his second term raise serious concerns about the overreach of executive power and its impact on the American people, our economy, our allies, and the fundamental principles of our government.

The president’s policies, including the imposition of sweeping tariffs, have disrupted global trade, triggered retaliatory measures from allies like Canada and the European Union, and increased costs for American consumers, particularly the middle and lower classes. These economic measures, enacted under emergency powers, risk destabilizing our economy and discouraging tourism, as international confidence in the United States as a stable destination wanes.

Herb Strentz was dean of the Drake School of Journalism from 1975 to 1988 and professor there until retirement in 2004. He was executive secretary of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council from its founding in 1976 to 2000.

U.S. Senator Cory Booker, a Democrat from New Jersey, was at a meeting of the Senate Judiciary Committee—and not in an echo chamber—when he asked Iowa Senator Chuck Grassley, “You are a decent man. Why are you doing this?”

And so began still another exhausting chapter in Grassley’s support of President Donald Trump, the nature of Grassley’s role as chair of the Judiciary Committee, and Trump’s efforts to stack the judicial branch with loyalists.

When the Iowa House and Senate approve a bill unanimously, you might assume it was easy to get the measure to the governor’s desk. But appearances can be deceiving. Sometimes, a unanimous vote for final passage obscures years of hard work to pull a bill over the finish line.

So it was with House File 472, which took effect on July 1. The law will make it easier for Iowans to defend themselves when facing meritless lawsuits filed in order to chill speech. Such cases are often called “strategic lawsuits against public participation,” because the plaintiffs have no realistic chance to win in court. Rather, they are suing as a means to silence or retaliate against critics.

Iowa was the 38th state to adopt an “anti-SLAPP” law, according to the Washington, DC-based Institute for Free Speech, which advocates for such legal protections across the country.

If not for one state senator’s determined opposition, Iowa might have joined that club years earlier.

The long-running effort to pass Iowa’s anti-SLAPP bill illustrates how one lawmaker can block a measure that has overwhelming bipartisan support and no meaningful opposition from lobby groups.

Rick Morain is the former publisher and owner of the Jefferson Herald, for which he writes a regular column.

The United States system of government is one of the most complicated such mechanisms in the world. It’s a blessing and a curse.

A blessing, because it disperses power. That’s what the Founders intended with the Constitution in 1787, and it’s what has guided America since then. Federalism (dividing power between the national government and the state governments) and a tripartite national government (dividing power among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches) give everyone a piece of the power pie. Theoretically, at least.

A curse, for the same reasons. Dispersed power creates inevitable disputes over which entity holds the upper hand in innumerable cases every day. To borrow a term from former President George W. Bush, just who is The Decider?

Clark Kauffman is deputy editor at Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared.

Iowa Attorney General Brenna Bird is continuing to pursue a lawsuit against Winneshiek County and its sheriff, Dan Marx, for allegedly violating Iowa law by discouraging law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration officials.

In her latest court filings, Bird has criticized Marx, alleging the sheriff has, in essence, asserted that “federal immigration officials should not be trusted.”

Bird has also signaled that even if Marx were to comply with her demand that he disavow his past statements, the state is still obligated to strip Winneshiek County of funding, at least temporarily, based on those previous statements.

Two Iowa jurists have signed on to an amicus brief calling for a federal court to dismiss the indictment against Milwaukee County Circuit Court Judge Hannah Dugan. Federal prosecutors charged the judge with concealing a person from arrest and obstructing an official proceeding after she allegedly helped a defendant in her courtroom avoid immigration law enforcement. She has pleaded not guilty and moved to dismiss the charges.

Former U.S. District Court Judge Mark W. Bennett and former Iowa Supreme Court Chief Justice Marsha Ternus were among the 138 retired judges who signed the brief, filed on May 30 in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin. The signatories served on courts in 24 different states or were appointed to the federal bench by Presidents Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, and George H.W. Bush. Their brief argued, “The government’s indictment of Judge Dugan represents an extraordinary and direct assault on the independence of the entire judicial system.”

In early May, Judge Bennett and Justice Ternus signed an open letter to U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi, which condemned the Trump administration’s various attempts to “intimidate and threaten the judiciary.”

Two Iowa jurists are among more than 150 former state and federal judges who wrote to U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi this week “to condemn the Trump Administration’s attacks on the judiciary,” including the April 25 arrest of Milwaukee County Circuit Court Judge Hannah Dugan.

Former U.S. District Court Judge Mark W. Bennett served in the Northern District of Iowa from 1994 to 2019, when he retired. Former Iowa Supreme Court Chief Justice Marsha Ternus served on Iowa’s highest court from 1993 through 2010, the last four years as chief justice. She left the bench after Iowa voters did not retain her and two other justices in the aftermath of the court’s unanimous Varnum v Brien ruling on marriage equality.

Randy Evans is executive director of the Iowa Freedom of Information Council, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes openness and transparency in Iowa’s state and local governments. He can be reached at DMRevans2810@gmail.com. This essay first appeared on his Substack newsletter, Stray Thoughts.

Give Governor Kim Reynolds credit for consistency. When it comes to wanting to hide details of possible misstatements or misdeeds, she treats Lutherans and atheists alike.

Soon, Iowans may learn important lessons about “executive privilege” claims by the governor and whether they provide her any cover to keep staff documents in her office secret.

These teachable moments arise from two lawsuits filed within hours of each other on April 25.

Robin Opsahl covers the state legislature and politics for Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared. Brooklyn Draisley, Cami Koons, and Kathie Obradovich contributed to this article.

As the Iowa legislature advanced past the second major deadline of the 2025 session, conversations on pipelines, Medicaid work requirements and new higher education requirements are continuing through surviving bills—though agreements have not necessarily been reached between the two Republican-controlled chambers.

The session’s second “funnel” deadline is another checkpoint for lawmakers during the legislative session, culling the bills that remain eligible for consideration as the Legislature nears the end of session. During the first funnel, bills were required to gain approval by a committee in one chamber to survive. In the second funnel, bills must have passed in floor debate in one chamber and gained committee approval in the other chamber to remain eligible.

There are several exceptions to this deadline, such as bills involving taxes, spending and government oversight components, and they include the property tax legislation proposed by Iowa lawmakers. Legislative leaders can also sponsor a bill and bring it forward without abiding by the deadline.

In addition, the language of a bills considered “dead” because of the funnel can still be added, at any point, as an amendment to a surviving bill.

There are also several bills that remain eligible for consideration by being placed on the “unfinished business” calendar, allowing them to remain up for consideration during the remainder of the session.

Cami Koons covers agriculture and the environment for Iowa Capital Dispatch, where this article first appeared.

A federal judge heard oral arguments on March 31 in a case that could overturn a decades-old statute tying wetland conservation to federal farm benefit eligibility. 

The plaintiff CTM Holdings, which owns and rents land to Iowa farmers, sued over the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s “swampbuster” law, alleging its implementation is unconstitutional, and that it takes land without any compensation to landowners.

The government defendants and intervening environmental groups argued against CTM and alleged the company had no standing as it had not suffered any injury from the statute.

Chief Judge C.J. Williams, for the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Iowa, questioned whether the whole issue was a “failure to communicate” between the landowner and Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS), which carries out the swampbuster rule.